Theoretically, the article builds upon the recent use of interactionist approaches to explain the emergence of violence during protests and other forms of contention (Bramsen, 2018; Nassauer, 2018, 2019, 2021; Tiratelli, 2018). Grounded in Collins’ (2008) micro-sociological work on violence, such research focuses on the emotional dynamics of situational encounters and how specific patterns of interaction enable actors to overcome the tension and fear that otherwise inhibits the onset or persistence of violence. It has highlighted that situational encounters can acquire their own violence-favouring logics, distinct from the wider struggles of which they are a part (Nassauer, 2018, 2022), and proved effective at predicting the occurrence of violence (Nassauer, 2019).
This article also addresses questions that interactionist approaches address less well, however, about: (a) how such violence-favouring situations arise, (b) what can inhibit their emergence, and (c) why some violence-favouring situations do not give rise to violence. To do this, the article brings situational analysis into dialogue with three intersecting strands of political violence research: on the relational dynamics of conflict escalation and de-escalation (Alimi, 2024; Alimi et al., 2015), on processual approaches to conflict (Malthaner, 2017), and on the restraints on violence within radical milieus (Busher & Bjørgo, 2020). This approach follows calls to explore how we can augment interactionist approaches by integrating “upstream” structural and contextual factors (Nassauer, 2022; Tiratelli, 2018; Unverdorben, 2023; Whitehead et al., 2018) and reflects a long tradition of research on political violence and civil unrest that emphasises the value of integrating macro-, meso-, and micro-level analyses (Della Porta, 1995; Waddington et al., 1989). It also reflects a practical intent: our aim is to enhance the ability of state and civil society actors not just to manage far-right violence as it unfolds, but to anticipate and inhibit its emergence.
Our focus on far-right protest reflects the recognition that assertive far-right protests across the Global North and beyond represent a social issue that warrants attention. Such protest is also of particular theoretical interest. It remains relatively under-studied in comparison with other forms of protest (Gattinara & Pirro, 2019); is imbued with a deep logic of violence against perceived out-groups (Karapin, 2002), making variance in violence use particularly interesting; and is often characterised by the co-presence of counter-protestors.
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00027642251377875
Hundreds of thousands are protesting in France against the high cost of living and poor schools. Violent groups are looting stores and attacking public buildings. Riots also broke out in Milan over two days. Seven answers about the weekend.
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Here’s what it’s all about
- In France, more than half a million people demonstrated on Saturday, mostly peacefully.
- At the same time, serious riots broke out—including in Italy. In Milan on Sunday, more than 200 young people were taken to police stations, about 80 percent of whom were minors.
- Behind the protests are a variety of causes and groups.
Summary created with
Smashed storefronts in Paris, a burned-out city hall in Limoges, and looted stores in Milan: Social protests over the weekend were marred by serious riots.
But who is protesting, and why? And who is using the rallies as an opportunity to commit acts of violence and theft? blue News provides the key questions and answers about the weekend.
The unrest has sharpened the political confrontation between the radical Left and the nationalists. Marine Le Pen accused Jean-Luc Melenchon’s movement of having “legitimised the violence” and said sh…
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