Allies and interests
The Haftars built their power through oil and arms. Oil revenues flow through national channels, while billions are redirected to projects dominated by institutions managed by the family, including the National Development Agency linked to Saddam’s brigade, and the Libyan Development and Reconstruction Fund led by Belqasim. The family has developed a broad regional network, from the Gulf to sub-Saharan Africa. The United Arab Emirates is their principal supporter, and Saddam has strengthened his father’s relations with Abu Dhabi by meeting Emirati officials since 2014. Saudi Arabia’s relationship with the Haftars is more cautious, but Riyadh keeps channels open.
Egypt’s role goes beyond its traditional ties with Libya’s General Command. Its imprint is visible in Saddam’s own formation: his doctorate from Cairo’s military academy shows Egypt’s investment in him. Cairo sees him as a guarantor of continued security cooperation along its long border with Libya, and a bulwark against groups it considers existential threats. Meanwhile, Russia’s relationship with the Haftars is more strategic than ideological. Moscow deployed the Wagner mercenary outfit to support Haftar’s Libyan National Army (LNA) and uses its links as leverage in talks with the West.
https://en.majalla.com/node/331895/profiles/saddam-haftar-benghazi-base-tripoli-prize
The official visit of Lieutenant General Saddam Haftar, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, to Washington signals a gradual shift in how the United States engages with the complex Libyan crisis.
The significance of this visit lies not only in the high-level meetings held with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and officials from the National Security Council, but also in the political messages they convey. These engagements indicate that Washington is reviewing its long-standing approach to Libya, moving away from years of merely managing the crisis without addressing the root causes of the conflict.
The United States appears to increasingly recognise that the ongoing institutional division is no longer just an internal political impasse, but a direct threat to regional stability, especially given the rising security challenges in the Sahel region and the expansion of cross-border threats. Consequently, the unification of the military institution naturally topped the agenda, as it remains the national body most capable of securing stability and restoring state authority.
https://almenassa.ly/en/2026/07/03/saddam-haftars-washington-visit-a-shift-in-the-us-approach-to-libya/
Child soldiers:
UN Investigates Use of Child Soldiers in Libya
July 26, 2022
On Monday, the United Nations Security Council received an annual report concerning the situation of children in areas of conflict and war, especially in Libya.
The report detailed how some parties were involved in sending minors to fight in war-torn Libya.
In presenting the Secretary-General’s report, Virginia Gamba highlighted current trends, patterns, grave violations, and existing and emerging challenges in “the protection of children used and abused by, in and for armed conflict”.
The UN investigated cases of minors who were sent along with Syrian mercenaries to fight in Libya, after they were kidnapped by armed groups in Syria.
The report found that grave violations against children were committed by all parties to the conflict, both state and non-state actors.
Between 2016 and 2020, state actors including national and international forces and coalitions were responsible for at least 26% of all violations.
“Non-state actors were responsible for about 58% of all verified violations,’ the report said. This underscored the importance of engaging with all parties to put an end to all violations being committed against children.
Notably, Turkey facilitated the recruitment of children between 15 and 18 years of age in the hostilities between Libya’s previous Government of National Accord (GNA), and the Libyan National Army (LNA) led by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. This was the damming charge contained in a report prepared by an independent mission in Libya, which was supported by the UN Human Rights Council. The document, dated 01 October examines events in the country from 2016 to 2021.
“These child mercenaries were utilized for different functions, including in combat units, and some in support roles, such as guards. Many were confined if they disobeyed, and some of them were wounded,” the report added.
“There are reasonable grounds to believe that Libya may have failed to comply with its obligations under the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, which prohibits both child recruitment and the direct participation of children in hostilities, including those not part of the State’s armed forces,” it notes
https://libyareview.com/25618/25618/
History, the rise of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi:
It has been over a decade since a military coup in Egypt definitely quashed the hopes inspired by the Arab Spring. Led by officers under the command of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the regime he subsequently constructed consolidated itself on a foundation of mass repression and debt-fuelled infrastructure projects that systematically funnel money to the ruling elite while impoverishing wide swathes of the population.
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Hossam el-Hamalawy spoke with Maged Mandour, author of Egypt under El-Sisi: A Nation on the Edge, about the political economy of Egypt’s military dictatorship and why he believes Sisi will be much more difficult to topple than any of the strongmen who came before him.
Can you tell us what your new book is about, and what knowledge gaps it aims to fill?
The book looks at the emergence of the Sisi regime as a new phenomenon in Egyptian politics. Simply put, I argue that the regime represents a complete break with all post-1952 regimes. It is the first time that Egypt is ruled directly by the military, with no mass party or facade to counterbalance its dominance. It has led to a complete militarization of the state, political system, and economy.
This hyper-concentration of power has bred one of the most violent and radical regimes in the Middle East. As far as I know, mine is the first book looking exclusively at the Sisi regime, trying to chart its evolution, from the political, economic, and social perspectives.
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That is a very sad story. The EU has played a significant role in consolidating and supporting the military regime in Egypt, from overt financial support through massive loans and aid to arms deals — here, I am thinking of France, Germany, and Italy — and even overt political support. This included the sales of espionage equipment used for the direct repression of dissent.
https://www.rosalux.de/en/news/id/52220/understanding-sisis-grip-on-power
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